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Failed utopias lead to the death of idealism, and the likes of Putin and Trump are symbols of this process. As we watch Russia struggle with history, the US and UK cannot afford to pretend that this history doesnt affect us too.
Revolutions and their centenaries are best dealt with in the first person. That, of course, creates a certain awkwardness for an academic, whose stock in trade is meant to be distance from the subject of study. But nothing forces a reckoning with ones place in the order of things quite like a revolution, and that is true of academics even 100 years after the fact. Witness, for example, the never-ending debates about what a revolution even is.
Slipping into the first person reckoning with my place in the order of things allows me to admit another awkwardness that has arisen in this centenary season: That of an American, living in the UK, who is expected by virtue of his profession to pronounce on the Russian revolution. If any combination of subject, audience and personal heritage could make me feel like more of an imposter, I dont know what it is.
To lessen that awkwardness, I have told myself and a handful of audiences that October 1917 was not just a Russian revolution. February had already done away with monarchical absolutism and the doorway to modernity at least in the Euro-centric conception that dominated the age was open. But Bolshevism, as the name would suggest, was meant to be about more than that: about more than Russia, perhaps about more than modernity.
The Bolsheviks looked at western modernity and found it lacking in need of transformation. However misbegotten, and without regard to its eventual mutations, the communist ideal what Yuri Slezkine has described as a millenarian, utopian vision for the fall of Babylon and the establishment...
Last week on OpenGlobalRights, authors debated whether community-led activism can influence big investment banks, how the three generations theory of human rights should be debunked, and why people in the global South do not trust the UN.
Last week on OpenGlobalRights, John Mwebe and Preksha Kumar discuss Malawis Lilongwe water project as an example of how community-led activism and research can influence investment banks. Steven L.B. Jensen then sparked debate by declaring that the three generations theory of human rights has no historical or analytical basis, and in fact obscures the relationship between rights. Next, Kristi Heather Kenyon argued that the history and culture of each country determine whether top down or bottom up human rights strategies will be effective. Finally, Charles T. Call, David Crow and James Ron examine the apparent contradiction that many Republicans believe the UN curbs Americas interests, yet people in the global South often view the UN as a tool of the United States.
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At the 2017 World Forum for Democracy, Latvian MP Boriss Cilevis discusses minority rights in the EU, the war in Ukraine, the demographic crisis in eastern Europe, and the EU's response to the ongoing migration crisis.
Boriss Cilevis is a Member of Parliament in Latvia and part of Latvia's delegation to the Council of Europe.
In this wide-ranging interview with Ukrainian journalist Nazarii Volianskyi at the 2017 World Forum for Democracy in Strasbourg, he discusses populism in Latvia, minority rights in the EU, the war in Ukraine, the demographic crisis in eastern Europe, and the EU's response to the ongoing migration crisis.
In southern Ukraine, Crimean Tatars from displacements past and present are building a life for themselves.
Crimeas annexation continues apace. A spate of recent detentions demonstrate the Russian authorities have chosen repression over accommodation in their dealings with the Crimean Tatars.
The community were among the strongest opponents of the peninsulas annexation in 2014 its political leaders from the Mejlis, the Crimean Tatar representative body, fled to mainland Ukraine (the organisation was banned in Russia in 2016).
Counter-extremism is Russias preferred approach. The new head of the Russian security services in Crimea, Viktor Palagin, is known for his heavy-handed anti-extremist work in Bashkortostan, a republic in Russias Ural mountains. On 11 October, FSB agents raided the homes of six religious men, all outspoken opponents of the annexation, in the Crimean town of Bakhchisaray. They were accused of membership of Hizb-ut-Tahrir, an Islamist organisation banned in Russia.
Ukrainian journalist Anton Naumlyuk has called this latest crackdown, which has led more Crimean Tatars to flee, a hybrid deportation. Its a loaded term, but a poignant one for Crimean Tatars in 1944, Stalin deported the entire ethnic group to Central Asia after accusing them of collaborating with the invading Germans.
Russias attitude to the Crimean Tatars hasnt changed since Catherine the Great they just have better gadgets to spy on us
Last month, 100 Crimean Tatars protested in solitary pickets across the peninsula, with signs reading my people are not terrorists. Over 40 were bundled into passing cars and detained in police stations. Crimea has become a place where extremism...
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The inseparability between our on and offline lives is the single most important thing to understand about the impact of the internet on political life which is why we need systems literacy, now.
On its opening day, the Friendly Fire conference asked: are digital non-/citizens the status quo? Two prolific speakers were looking for answers: the artist James Bridle, whose visionary project, Citizen Ex, reflects digital citizenship; and the coder/thinker Eleanor Saitta, whose work explores the potential of radical democracy and consistently challenges the blindspots of digital avant-gardes. Here Saitta reflects the politics of citizenship with regards to the rampant digitalisation of people's lives be they citizens or not.
Krystian Woznicki (KW): Our offline and online lives have become inseparable, hence citizenship nowadays is inseparable from digital citizenship. Following the Snowden disclosures, there has been a growing awareness of the workings of the governmental-corporate power nexus the backend of citizenship, so to speak. From your point of view, what are the most important implications of this trend when it comes to conceptualizing the neoliberal state in the "post-Snowden world" (as you have once termed the states of affairs)?
Eleanor Saitta (ES): The inseparability you point at is the single most important thing to understand about the impact of the internet on political life that the internet does not exist as a separate entity from a political perspective. There is only life and power, not digital and non-digital life and power.
Much of the current furore around the use of targeted advertising for political manipulation is happening in the absence of understanding of existing targeted advertising practices.
All of the actors to whom we might wis...
Radical groups working on housing, racism, poverty, sex worker and migrant rights are springing up all over London. Embedded in local communities, they are seasoned activists, precarious workers and families.
Our questions and subheads are in bold, with Izzys answers immediately following.
Our regular meetings are probably the most important part of our work, as this is where we build experience in different types of housing issues, housing law, how councils behave, and possible solutions.
The group meetings mean that we can draw on this experience and everyone can contribute in whatever way they feel able. One of the best things is when someone who came to the group with a housing problem, sorts it out and is then able to share their experience with a new member going something similar.
We try to make the meetings as accessible as possible. We have Spanish-English translation and we are working on making our meetings much more kid friendly.
We run legal training sessions, again to develop the knowledge and capacity of our group so that we can stick up for each other.
And theres buddying. A buddy goes along with you when you meet the council. They give...
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Using direct action, housing activists challenge unfeeling and harsh local authority decisionmaking
Our questions and subheads are in bold, with Izzys answers immediately following.
People are ignored by the council when its obvious theyre vulnerable. They are asking for help for a reason, but the council seem to operate a policy of disbelief.
For the last year, weve been supporting four HASL families who live in statutorily overcrowded housing in the private rented sector Southwark. Their living conditions are appalling and inhumane. The last Labour government said statutory overcrowding wasno longer defensible in modern society. It happens everyday.
If passed, Armenias draft law against domestic violence will only nurture patriarchy.
This October, the Armenian government redeveloped its draft law on preventing domestic violence and opened it for public discussion. This started heated debates between state representatives and several groups who oppose the law. Womens organisations and domestic violence survivors have been left on the periphery of a male-dominated vicious circle, and the draft law has been artificially turned from a preventive and protective tool into a mechanism for family reconciliation between abusers and survivors.
Domestic violence remains a prevalent problem for Armenian society. Despite the latent character of the issue and womens reluctance to seek refuge from abusive relationships, as of October 2017, there were 602 cases of domestic violence officially registered by the Armenian police this year. Womens rights NGOs received around 5,000 hotline calls.
In its most cruel form of power and subjugation, femicide in Armenia continues to demonstrate the systemic oppression of women. Between 2010-2017, at least 50 women were killed by their partners or ex-partners, often on the grounds of male jealousy. These crimes were not properly punished, and were justified even on the level of court judgements.
The number of known cases of domestic violence is increasing, breaking the silence around these normalised crimes
Thanks to increasing media attention towards violence against women and the fact that more survivors are empowered to speak up about their abuse, the number of known cases of domestic violence is increasing, breaking the hindering silence around these unpunished...
A conversation with Ashish Ghadiali, film-maker, party activist, autonomous individual, about reinventing politics through culture and democracy.
interviewed on openDemocracy in 2016 during the launch tour of
his film, The Confession, was one of 30 participants from
Europe and beyond who took part in the Team Syntegrity or
non-hierarchical conference held in Barcelona on 18-22 June 2017.
This is one of a series of follow-up conversations on that event's
themes, recommendations and relationships.
Ash: Im living right on the coast in Devon at the moment. I have a view of the sea out of all my windows and I get out for a swim a few times a week. I have only been here for a couple of weeks. Ive just had a new baby, a daughter. Theres so much work I need to get done, but Im still just trying to ease into the flow of it all
Rosemary: So what are you working on now?
Ash: A lot of screenwriting mainly. Ive been part of a team of writers developing an eight-part drama with Riz Ahmed for the BBC. Its about a British-Pakistani family from the late 70s to the present day. Riz has been working on it for years, and hes put together an amazing team of emerging British Asian writers to support him. Its amazing to be part of that team.
R: So you are back at work with the BBC?
Ash: Yes. To my surprise. Making The Confession, in 2016, about Moazzam Begg was a risk for the BBC, and it wasnt the...
In recent times we often hear the narrative that has been orchestrated so carefully by apologists for Sinn Fein namely the huge personal risks that Adams and Mc Guinness took for peace. I do not believe that such an argument is credible. The people that really took the risks for peace down the years were those in the northern catholic community (and indeed outside it also) who defied the IRA and whose political and moral courage often cost them their lives
I also challenge yesterdays claim made by Adams himself and his acolytes that the intertwining campaigns of Sinn Fein and the IRA have made a United Ireland an achievable dream hence their call for a border poll. In my opinion nothing could be further from the truth. Having served in public life in the Republic of Ireland for almost two decades, I believe that a majority in the Republic of Ireland would not support Irish unity at any stage in the near future. I believe this for two reasons.
Firstly, the brutal terrorist campaign of the IRA diminished the desire for imminent Irish unity in the Republic of Ireland itself.
Secondly, in a post Brexit world, taxpayers in the Republic would not be prepared to pay higher taxes of almost 10 billion a year to absorb the north.
However, some might argue that Adams has nonetheless played a major role in bringing about an IRA ceasefire which eventually paved the way for the establishment of power -sharing institutions in Northern Ireland and better North- South and East-West relations. On that point I am in total agreement about his recent legacy.
. My plea to him is
You have huge political acumen and also immense political capital and good will especially with northern nationalists please use it to restore devolution and then we can all agree that you will have left a real and lasting political legacy to all the people of this island.
In his 1942 Report, Sir William Beveridge, a Liberal patrician, identified five giant evils Want, Ignorance, Squalor, Disease and Idleness. The Welfare State was founded in the immediate post-war period to improve the social conditions in the UK. The country was then bankrupt from war exertions; despite warnings, mainly from Conservatives, that the Welfare State was unaffordable, the Labour government, trusting in Maynard Keynes assertion that we can afford whatever we want went ahead.
The National Health Service was born on 5 July 1948; strictly, the term National Health Service applied only to England and Wales; there were very similar services in Scotland and N Ireland, though these werent called the NHS. Responsibility for Wales passed to the Welsh Office in 1969. With devolution, there has been divergence in the administrative structures of the four health services; in N Ireland, Social Services are integrated into the health service while elsewhere they are the responsibility of the local authority.
The health service in England is by far the largest. The Ministry of Health in Westminster and the Secretary of State for Health, at present Jeremy Hunt, are only responsible for England. Changes in organisational structures, often called reforms are usually first introduced in England; the regions may choose to adopt them later, or come under political pressure to do so.
When first introduced, it was naively thought that once disease had been controlled, funding requirements for the NHS would reduce. In reality, such was the extent of ill-health that the service came under financial pressures almost from the start. While all service provision was initially free at the point of service, charges were introduced for prescriptions; later charges were more generally applied in dentistry, eye examinations and spectacles etc. Enoch Powell, when Minister of Health, thought that there would never be enough money for the NHS.
The Conservative manifesto before the 2010 election indicated that there would be no top-down reorganisation of the NHS; as soon as they were in coalition with Liberal Democrats, they began such a reorganisation. This struggled through Parliament and emerged as a different creature at the end. The result is remarkably complex, as this video from the Kings Fund illustrates:
All organisations have problems; for the health services these have been about funding, staffing and the provision of services what services, where and how. The population is changing;...
Nicholas Whyte reports on three things we now know about Brexit:
The border issue is whats holding Phase One up. Ireland will need a concession on that. A border down the Irish Sea is not happening; for the simple reason that the DUP wont let it happen. Looks like its solution will dictate the nature of the overall deal.
How Weatherman confused violence with militancy and triggered the downfall of Students for a Democratic Society.
This article was first published on Waging Nonviolence.
To those of us deeply immersed in the New Left in the summer of 1969, apocalypse felt imminent. Despite growing opposition, the war in Vietnam was still escalating, with no end in sight. There had been strikes and building seizures at scores of campuses. Demonstrations were increasingly confrontational and bloody. The civil rights movement was reeling from the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. the year before, and the massive riots that followed, and from the emergence of separatist groups that rejected the goal of integration. Some of those were armed, including the Black Panthers, whose offices were routinely and lethally attacked by police.
Within Students for a Democratic Society, or SDS, the New Lefts principal organization, there was desperation to articulate a strategy in responseand to create the conditions for revolution, which many of us had convinced ourselves was necessary. Factions formed and competed bitterly. At the SDS convention in June 1969, the organization burst apart. Control was seized by a group called Weatherman, which eventually went underground and carried out a campaign of bombings. But in the months before doing so, we trashed SDS, abandoned the mass movement it represented, and dedicated ourselves to ultra-militancy and fighting in the streets.
To many people today, apocalypse feels imminent once again. And activism feels mandatory. How to build organization, devise strategy and be effective are pressing questions. So is the distinction between militancy and violence. What follows is an excerpt from Swords in the Hands of Children: Reflections of an American Revolutionary, the story of my path through SDS and the Weather Underground. For activists grappling with those questions, it should be a cautionary tale.
Through the summer and into the fall of 1969, we forged ourselves into an infantry of swaggering kamikazes dedicated to the ideas in the Weatherman position...
Regardless of how one feels about migrants, protecting them in the labour market will bring benefits to all workers.
Modern slavery has been gaining salience in British media and public awareness. This resonates with recent international trends, and renewed attention to the plight of those exposed to the harshest forms of exploitation deserves our support. But a narrow focus on modern slavery steers the discussion away from broader systemic issues, which must be considered if we are to maximise the effectiveness of actions aimed at lowering national and global inequalities.
What happens if we consider the modern slavery campaign, Brexit, and migration and development policies all at the same time and then connect the dots? It becomes apparent that national workers and (willing or unwilling) labour migrants are linked together into global hierarchies that generate a large supply of cheap and vulnerable labour. This pool of vulnerable workers is internally diverse and contains multiple groups struggling with different constraints. They all deserve attention. And yet official campaigns and policies obfuscate the picture by focusing on narrow issues with high media-shock potential and compartmentalising connected problems.
Some migrants see their livelihoods as dependent upon their ability to remain and endure exploitative working conditions.
The official narrative that contrasts innocent victims of slavery and evil traffickers, and targets the latter as the primary cause for slaverys endurance, is misleadingly simplistic. Only a minority of the exploited workers identified through the modern slavery campaign were forced into the UK against their will. Increased security and policing aimed at protecting 'slaves on our streets' result in more thorough controls on migrants, some of whom are not compliant with the UKs immigration laws but are in the country willingly.
These migrants may see their livelihoods and those of others who receive their support as dependent upon their ability to remain and endure exploitative working conditions. They may not be de facto enslaved initially, but are made increasingly vulnerable to the worst forms of exploitation when they are criminalised and denied support as migrants. Whatever ones views of the UKs immigration regulations, we should try to understand these migrants circumstances: the hardship they struggle with...
A nationalist populist promised a new Russian revolution in November 2017. But despite intense plotting online, the revolution failed to materialise. RU
Artpodgotovka movement currently reads. Maltsev, leader of the radical populist movement, promised that Russia would experience a revolution on 5 November 2017. Regime change would be heralded by spontaneous protests, with cities occupied across the country. Artpodgotovka would storm the Kremlin, before holding a popular referendum. Raising their hands, those present would vote for the overthrow of Russian president Vladimir Putin.0 days, 0 hours, 0minutes, 0 seconds until the new historical epoch begins - this is what the timer on the website of Vyacheslav Maltsev's
Russias new revolutionaries hoped to repeat Ukraines EuroMaidan scenario, but this Russian Maidan did not happen. On 5 November, more than 400 people were detained 302 of them in Moscow. Many arrestees had weapons confiscated from them. (There were clearly less protesters on Russias streets than the security services anticipated.) At the same time, the security services conducted a series of raids across Russia, with 14 alleged activists of Artpodgotovka detained with ready-made Molotov cocktails and explosive devices in their possession.
Alexey (name changed) came from the Urals town of Perm to St Petersburg to make revolution. In a secret chat on the Telegram messaging app, Alexey told me how he had planned to steal weapons from police officers during the failed coup. He travelled to Russias northern capital with 10 other men, all wearing balaclavas and shin-pads. A friend of Alexeys had taken 40,000 roubles (510) in credit to buy food for the plotters while they occupied St Isaacs Square in the cen...
After Sinn Fein held their meeting with Theresa May this afternoon, Gerry Adams diverted from the apparent failure to make progress on restoring Stormont with a genuine issue:
a potential amnesty from prosecution for security force members who served in the Troubles is to be floated by the British government.
Concerns however are valid as this was precisely what the Commons Defence Select Committee proposed just before the last Westminster general election accompanied by approving noises from James Brokenshire. This was one of the moves Gerry Adams pounced on to refuse to recognise the Secretary of State as an impartial mediator in the Stormont stand off. Todays leak if thats what it is is unlikely to improve his standing with Sinn Fein.
By failing to come clean immediately on the scope of the consultation, the government are bungling the issue again, despite having months if not years to prepare for this most sensitive of proposals.
The Defence Committee seemed to believe that an amnesty for the security forces would be matched by truth recovery under privilege i.e. confessions by former paramiltaries . Amnesty would not be appropriate for them as they already have the concession which the government and many MPs seem to believe does not apply to the security forces of a maximum two year sentence under the GFA, under the early release scheme of the Northern Ireland Sentences Act.
But you do not correct an imbalance by creating another one and one moreover which has no chance of winning cross community consent.
In any case the widespread belief of an imbalance seems be wrong. As has been explained in Eamonn Mallies blog,
leading legal authority Kieran McEvoy argued in his evidence to that committee, there is nothing in the legislation that would prevent it applying to any member of the security forces if they were to be convi...
The reason he came out with this hyperbolic nonsense is obvious. The latest delusional Brexiteer trope is that a weakened Germany would somehow be good for the Brexit negotiations, as if the rest of Europe are just go...Germany tonight in its biggest political crisis since late 1940s. Bigger even than UKs current ongoing political crisis.Andrew Neil (@afneil) November 20, 2017
Within the framework of this year's "Fearless Cities" summit, Fundacin Avina and DemocraciaAbierta established a special collaboration to explore the most memorable poltical experiences arising from Latin America. Espaol Portugus
Latin America has become a formidable hub for multiple political transformations, most of them still in an embryonic state, but capable of planting seeds for the future and encouraging changes in the present. The region's civil society dynamics aim, as they do in other regions of the world, to improve political praxis, democratic institutions and the quality of leadership, with a view to democratising power, adding delibaration and participation to representation.
In its area of innovation, AVINA promotes the strengthening of the social rule of law and the further development of democratic quality and effectiveness through social, technological and institutional innovations that guarantee citizens the exercise of their rights..
For its part, democraciaAbierta works to support democratic debate on politics and society, continuously posing questions on the subjects of justice, democracy and freedom. democraciaAbierta contributes to the emergence of a global public sphere in Spanish and Portuguese. In its Political Experimentation section, it opens the field to account for the great amount of political innovation ideas and projects which, thro...
As an academic, much of his work is designed to make an impact on public policy. He speaks with vast experience of contacts with paramilitaries and community workers of various kinds. In his speech he brilliantly describes the nature of sectarianism. He pulls no punches against the pharisaical view that some in his audience think of themselves as essentially free of sectarianism, even while admitting it exists within the movement. I wonder who he had in mind?
Apparently they took it well!
Will the DUP invite him next year?
Professor Peter Shirlow FAcSS, Irish Studies, University of Liverpool: Speech at Sinn Fein Ard Fheis 2017.
Although I am from a unionist background but I do not feel out place. That is due to the fact that I have been welcomed.
My forebears were anti-sectarian, but they were pro-union. The idea that being pro-union is inherently sectarian is not only wrong it is inherently sectarian.
Question 2: What is sectarianism?
Sectarianism has two forms prejudice and exclusiveness
Prejudice is the obvious form: Sectarianism is vicious, insidious and repugnant. It is unjust and acrimonious. It is both within and without the groups that we belong to. Sectarianism is not a natural state. We are not born sectarian.
One reason why people were pro-union was as recognised, in your own motion, was due to the souths religious doctrinealienating sections of the Protestant people.
We must consider that we can be both sectarianized but not sectarian.
How could the treatment o...
We need a structured debate about the lethality of crowd-control weapons, as well as a broader discussion on the core of the problem, which is the inability of states to respond peacefully to peaceful protest.
This video interview is part of Right to Protest, a partnership project with human rights organisations CELS and INCLO, with support from the ACLU, examining the power of protest and its fundamental role in democratic society.
"Something that's assumed to be rather innocuous, such as tear gas, can cause burns, and not just external burns to the skin and the face, but actually can cause long-lasting scarring of the lungs. The kinetic impact projects, rubber bullets, things of that nature, they can cause permanent damage to bones and muscles. They are often fired at people at such close range that they cause death. They simply cause death.
"These weapons should not be interpreted as less than lethal. They should be interpreted as lethal weapons and they are often deployed against peaceful protesters.
"Manufacturers of these weapons are engaged in a highly profitable and growing trade and as companies that are seeking primarily to amass more profit through the sale of these weapons, their motives are actually rather transparent. What is most concerning is that the purchasers of these weapons governments, security forces often take most or all of their counsel from the companies that are seeking to sell them, that there's not a broad discussion about the broad responses to peaceful protest, and certainly there is not a structured discussion about the lethality of these weapons.
"These are often violent responses to peaceful protest and that is the core element of how people come to be injured and killed in these situations. The mechanism is through these weapons t...
The British immigration system that EU nationals are about to be plunged into, has been broken for a long time. Its time to improve everyones rights.
Image: Protests at Yarls Wood immigration detention centre, iDJ photography/Flickr.
Fewer than 500 days are left until the UK is due to leave the European Union. Yet the most significant obstacles to the smooth, orderly Brexit promised by Theresa May have not been created by Brussels. They lie in wait in Croydon, Sheffield and the half a dozen other sites where the Home Office is shamefully unprepared for the most significant challenges our immigration system has faced in four decades.
The Home Affairs Select Committee today grills Immigration Minister Brandon Lewis on his departments ability to deal with these challenges. Three million EEA nationals and their families currently residing in Britain will have to be processed and regularised. And 450 million Europeans will become subject to broken and cruel systems hitherto reserved for the rest of the world.
Officials have conceded that the department is struggling to increase its capacity. Ironically, the Home Office may have to recruit new staff from the EU to handle the strains of leaving the EU. The Home Office already faces accusations of incompetence as it fails to respond to a growing backlog, with procedural errors and poor decision-making leaving workers and families waiting up to two years for a decision. At current staffing levels, each caseworker will process an additional 1500 European applications. Yet even a doubling of capacity will not change the fact that the system itself does not work. Without a significant shift in the way Britain deals with both the idea and the reality of people on the move, we are just 500 days from chaos.
To address this looming crisis, last week saw leading progressive organisations, politicians a...
Given the previously cited ten-year transition, sceptics will doubt the reality of Adams departure. In fact, hell likely melt back into the collective leadership of Sinn Fein. With only Sean Murray left on the Ard Comhairle, the military men now mostly sit back in the shadows.
Their names are not widely known to the public but they are familiar to senior members in other parties from the periodic bouts of negotiations that might almost have been engineered to give them a role in the politics if not the government of Northern Ireland.
Partition is failing SF
Concerns about the continuing coherence of the party north and south are well founded, but it is the divergence of the material politics of the two jurisdictions which have created that incoherence, making hard-to-manage problems for the central controllers of the party.
As John Manley notes in todays Irish News, last autumn was supposed to herald the beginning of a new era of cooperation but it instead provided the bookend to a decade of devolution.
Fighting southern cuts whilst mandating them in the north forced them to choose a live game in the south and mothballing the north. Behind them is a trail of half-promises on health and infrastructure, an agreed draft Programme for Government.
And the first-ever Sinn Fein budget remains something of a mythic creature: ie, much talked about but never actually seen.
Michelle ONeill quipped that she would have her hands too full in Northern Ireland to become Deputy President. A sliver of a hint, perhaps, that someway into the new year that she may finally return to the northern job she eschewed last January.
The DUP, now with a much larger game of their own to play (including the deepening of British sovereignty across the UK) is in no hurry to press them for an early return, and may even be prepared to let them fight a southern election early in the new year before a restart.
And letting Brexit and the welfare cuts run their course they will claim it was like that when we got here. They will tell their voters that delivery can wait until they eventually win a border poll in five, ten, fifteen or twenty years times. Always jam tomorrow.
As for the southern strategy, Mary Lou has two potential advantages. Getting Gerry off the TV screens of the leaders debate disposes of a huge weakness for the party in making a successful pitch to middle Ireland which has much more to do with competence than his past.
She is a good debater with the potential to reach middle-class voters the party needs to become inv...
the event as a symbol of the deep-rooted and developed relations between Syria and Turkey, which was not merely an occasion for cultural and artistic exchange between the two countries; but rather an everlasting festival of love between Syrian and Turkish intellectuals.On 28 March 2011, less than two weeks into the Syrian uprising, the then Syrian Culture Minister Riad Esmat inaugurated the Syrian Cultural Days in Turkey event with his Turkish counterpart Ertugrul Gunay. The Syrian minister described
Yet this festival of everlasting love barely lasted a month: in late April of that year, Ankara recalled its ambassador in Damascus as one of its escalating actions against the Syrian regime, followed by the severing of relations between the two governments, and of course the annulment of the festival of eternal love that Esmat had spoken about.
If we were to review the Syrian cultural sphere in Turkey today, it would be clear that its reality is far more complex than a seasonal cultural festival between two neighbouring countries. Now that Syrian refugees have grown into large communities within Turkey, ana...
When millennials are told it's their lunch-buying habits that put home-buying out of reach, no wonder they respond with demands to #NationaliseGreggs.
Image: Greggs, King Street in Hammersmith. WikiCommons.
Last month a young Labour Party member asked Jeremy Corbyn about his thoughts on nationalising essential public services such as Wetherspoons and Greggs. The room chortled, then applauded. Jeremy gave a scripted answer about Greggs being a living wage employer and quickly segued into an amicable stub speech about housing and energy. Corbyn says that nationalising rail, mail and utilities are his priorities, but crucially did not rule out nationalising Greggs said the official Young Labour Twitter account. Imminently, conservatives were in full blown moral panic; they can't nationalise Greggs, it's a private company! What if they don't want to be nationalised?!? Keep your filthy socialist hands off our pasties chimed a thousand Kremlin run social media accounts with EU/hammer and sickle flags as avatars.
Last week the plucky young sparks at Progress took a break from running the website of a faction-free-slate to pen an opinion piece about why nationalising Greggs is the Wrong Thing to do and young people can't be trusted to have their own in-jokes.
If Obamas dream started as a whisper in Springfield, then the National Greggs Service (NGS) started as a jest in Sheffield. A single payer bakery, free at the point of use, how we laughed. In a few short months the NGS has already made waves. Weve had endorsements from left wing high flyers such as Owen Jones, an opinion piece in the...
When a slim majority of the UK electorate voted in June last year in favour of leaving the European Union it became inevitable that Britain would lose the two European agencies that it has been hosting, the European Medicines Agency (EMA) and the European Banking Agency (EBA). Sure enough, yesterday it was announced that the EMA will move to Amsterdam and the EBA to Paris. The number of staff involved are 900 for the EMA and 150 for the EBA, but the knock-on effect of the departure of well-paid employees on service industries in London will be significant. This is only the start of Brexodus the departure of institutions and staff who are in Britain (notably London) because it is currently an EU member state, a situation that is scheduled to end in March 2019. Already banks in particular have been making preparations to shift operations to Frankfurt, Paris, Dublin, Luxembourg and so on. That change is likely to accelerate now that Michel Barnier has confirmed that if Britain leaves the single market (as both the Tory and Labour leadership are determined will happen) then banks and financial institutions will lose their passporting rights to operate throughout the EU. This is a catastrophic blow to the City of London; over a comparatively short period London is now likely to lose its status as the unmatched financial capital of Europe. And it is not only the fnancial sector that is going to suffer. Universities currently employ a lot of other EU nationals, but many of them have started to make plans to leave. Similarly, the NHS depends quite heavily on EU migra...
It has started to happen. Will it continue? Can it be reversed? The politics of Brexit is openly dividing the UK and Irish governments and further polarising the DUP and Sinn Fein, making a return to the Executive less likely than ever. Predictably Brexit is increasingly becoming domesticated as the new big theme in a revived unionist v nationalist struggle.
Whats just happened? The sequence was best described in a cool- headed column in the Indo by Dan OBrien, chief economist in Dublins Institute of International and European Affairs who has worked for the EU Commission and the Economist Intelligence Unit.
Eleven days ago, the Taoiseach told the Dail that he was upbeat about the Brexit talks. He said that there was a good chance his 26 EU counterparts would agree to move to the second phase of the exit negotiations in December
Then things changed. The following day, Michel Barnier, the man who negotiates on behalf of the EU 27, shared a paper with all the national delegations that his team had drawn up on Irish border issues, and one which Irish diplomats were centrally involved in drafting. As tends to happen when European Commission documents are circulated to all member countries, it leaked immediately.
The Irish position was, and remains, that there is nothing new in the document. The British thought otherwise, with the following paragraph causing consternation in London.
It seems essential for the UK to commit to ensuring that a hard border on the island of Ireland is avoided, including by ensuring no emergence of regulatory divergence from those rules of the internal market and the Customs Union which are (or may be in the future) necessary for meaningful North South co-operation, the all-island economy and the protection of the Good Friday Agreement.
Mention in the paper of no regulatory divergence means Northern Ireland, alone or with the rest of the UK, would have to adopt all EU new single market laws in the future. The Irish side has been looking for written guarantees on these issues in return for moving to phase two of the Brexit talks next month. The British side (and unionists) viewed this as Ireland attempting to force Britain into accepting all future EU legislation or, effectively, erecting barriers to trade between Northern Ireland and Britain so that the North could remain a de facto part of the EU. It was also construed as a threat to veto moving forward on the entire Brexit process to the detriment of the UK.
The British governme...
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So back in the real world, theres Brexit. Newton Emersons piece from last weeks Irish Times is well worth reading into the Slugger record (whilst so much that gets written about Brexit these days is not):
An outline of this structure has been glimpsed in the proposal, currently being examined by EU officials, for Northern Ireland to become an autonomous customs territory modelled on Hong Kong and Macau.
However, given the inability of the current political leadership to walk in a straight political line for longer than 12 months at a time
Is there some way Northern Ireland could become a link between the EU and the UK, as Hong Kong in particular has been between China and the rest of the world?
The short answer is no, but the reasons are worth exploring.
Hong Kongs status as a bridge has always been overstated China was essentially a closed country for the first 30 years after the second World War, forcing Hong Kong to develop as a manufacturing powerhouse in its own right.
That phase of Northern Irelands history is behind it.
When China began opening up from the early 1980s, Hong Kong did function as a bridge but only because Beijing chose it for this purpose, establishing a special economic zone on its side of the border and expanding a small fishing village into an industrial city of 10 million people.
This year, Russia hosted the World Festival of Youth and Students with a mix of Cold War slogans and modern realpolitik.
Calling on the worlds youth to unite for peace, solidarity and social justice and to struggle against imperialism sounds slightly outdated in Russia today. But those were the phrases that rang out on 13-22 November, when the country hosted the 19th World Youth Festival. The event brought 20,000 young people from across the world to Sochis now empty Olympic Park to participate in a bizarre re-enactment of a Cold War era mega-event.
The result? A celebration of youth, peace and
international friendship overshadowed by the realpolitik and
geopolitics of todays Russia.
An obvious point of departure for the 2017 festival was the legendary Moscow Youth Festival of 1957. In Soviet and Russian historiography, the festival was an unforgettable event in the lives of a whole generation of Soviet youth.
It was a chance for the USSR to show the rest of the world what a developed, democratic and, above all, attractive superpower the Soviet Union really was one that, according to accounts oozing with nostalgia, genuinely created a platform for international peace and friendship. Those who were able to take part (many capitalist governments boycotted the festival and barred their citizens from participating) instantly fell in love with the USSR and its people.
Our key finding is that the international structure and the regional context are decisive in determining the exact content of populist ruptures around the world.
It is difficult to think of a political phenomenon that has gained more currency in public and policy debates internationally in the last few years than populism.
Already the object of analysis in a voluminous literature, populism proved to be a highly relevant factor in momentous political events such as the emergence of radical left anti-austerity government in Greece in 2015, and the election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States and the vote of the British people to leave the EU (Brexit) in 2016.
These events came on the heels of a longstanding process of strengthening of populist forces in the West more generally. But populism has now become a relevant phenomenon in many other world regions as well. Long a dominant force in Latin America, populism has now emerged as a distinct feature of politics in the Middle East, Asia, and Africa. Why is this so, and what does the global emergence of populism mean?
In a recent special issue of the International Political Science Review, experts in the politics of a broad array of regions West and East Europe, Latin America, Asia, the Muslim world, and Africa reflected on the emergence and impact of populism. As a scholarly exercise, our special issue is an addition to a growing but still underdeveloped literature on cross-regional comparisons of populism. But even this literature is primarily concerned with comparisons between the two regions with the strongest populist footprint Europe and Latin America.
In our special issue, we extend the geographical range of comparison by looking as well at regions that rarely appear in cross-regional analyses.
Can politics be more artful and art be more political? Here, we ask if art and digital communication can create new ways to talk about belonging, exclusion and responsibility.
Borders, citizenship and migration dominate political and media agendas. The referendum on EU membership in 2016 in Britain and the so-called refugee crisis in particular have sparked intense polarisation, leading rises in both xenophobic attitudes and solidarity activism. In times of social upheaval and transience we need to find spaces to ask who we are and how we know who we are.
This special feature asks if art and digital communication can create new ways to talk about belonging, exclusion and responsibility. Can we form new collective identities and actions through engaged practice, visual, audio, and digital arts, film, photography, theatre and the spoken word?
No one is keeping the Egyptian government from fighting terrorism. But Sisis rhetoric on the right to combat terrorism underlies his belief of an Egyptian exceptionalism.
On November 4, President Abdel Fattah El Sisi of Egypt inaugurated the World Youth Forum, an international conference hosted in the countrys Red Sea resort of Sharm El Sheikh.
Dozens of Egyptian and foreign officials as well as hundreds of foreign and Egyptian youthmany of whom Egypt luxuriously funded to comeattended the conference organized under the catchy phrase We Need to Talk.
The question is, talk about what?
Sisis inaugural speech left no mystery about his priorities. He immediately began with his favorite subject, terrorism, and proceeded to propose a novel legal innovation to confront it. He declared that combating terrorism is a human right, a new right that I am adding to human rights in Egypt.
Many Egyptians, whose voices are excluded from such conferences, say they would rather talk about the array of existing rights they cannot practice, or have found themselves thrown in prison for attempting...
The European Commissions annual colloquium on fundamental rights calls for reflection on intersectionality. A trendy buzzword for policy makers, but can it lead to equality in practice for all women?
Equality between women and men is one of the European Union's founding values says the website of the European Commission. Since inclusion of the principle of equal pay for equal work in the Treaty of Rome in 1957, the European Union has made gender equality a priority of its work. Through legislation, gender mainstreaming and specific measures, the Union has achieved great strides in social, economic and political progress for women in Europe.
But did these strides benefit all women? To what extent are considerations of race, religion, class, disability, sexual orientation and gender identity germane to the EU conception of gender equality?
These questions form a critique of European policies from the concept of intersectionality. Originating from black feminists in the US, intersectionality is the awareness that mainstream feminist approaches do not necessarily address the multiple forms of discrimination and oppression faced by some women. Inherent to the concept of intersectionality is the view that a universalist feminist approach is not sufficient to achieving equality for all women. Women are not a homogeneous group, they are not affected by discrimination and misogyny in the same way because of their different backgrounds and profiles. The 2017 Women Who Shape Brussels Power List was described by Politico Editor as inescapably white. Without women of colour in positions of power, the policy is unlikely to change any time soon.
Assessing European Union gender equality policies from an intersectional perspective, we see that in their universalism, they primarily serve white, middle-class, straight, cis-women. In fact, women of colour...
In Colombia, more than 70% of the homicides are committed with firearms coming from at least twenty countries. Their main recipients are drug traffickers and criminal gangs. Espaol
This article, which is part of the #NiUnMuertoMas project of the Latin American strategy for homicide reduction Instinto de Vida funded by Open Society Foundations and Igarap, is being published as part of the partnership between Pacifista! and DemocraciaAbierta. Read the original content here.
Drug traffickers and criminal gangs are the main recipients of the multimillion-dollar trafficking business in arms, ammunition and explosives which get into Colombia by land and sea, through rivers and air. The Department of Criminal Investigation and Interpol (DIJIN) asserts that arms trafficking is associated, to a large extent, with trafficking in cocaine, heroin and synthetic drugs, since they are practically inseparable activities generating multimillion-dollar profits. Its agents warn that arm trafficking is a progressive and cyclical phenomenon which ranks third in the most profitable illegal activities list. Drugs and human trafficking are in the first and second place.
The Police have registered the entry into Colombia of large quantities of weapons in waves which they call generations:
The first generation is known as "Genesis": according to the authorities, arms trafficking skyrocketed with the growth of guerrillas in the country in the aftermath of the Cuban revolution.
The second generation is called Rotation by police investigators because the weapons which entered the country came from Central American conflict zones - from the...
Freedom of movement means no such thing. Movement is a marketplace how much does it cost?
Can the expression of conviviality act as a reminder of everyday acts of kindness?
With constant news about growing islamophobia and anti-semitism, and the rise of right-wing movements and parties across Europe and the world, the media is dominated by stories documenting and trying to understand our age of anger as the essayist Pankai Mishra has called it in his recent book. Public displays of anger, anxiety and resentment hold our attention. In a political climate shaped by uncertainty and competition, the social is increasingly understood in ethno-nationalist/monocultural/religious terms and the ability to live together in diversity is thrown into question. In a recent survey by the 2017 Aurora Humanitarian Index, for instance, which was reported in the Guardian found that more than half of Britons believe their culture is threatened by ethnic minorities living in the UK.
Such situations allow for ordinary and unspectacular encounters with others in which difference is routinely rendered insignificant.
Laura Sorvalas installation Outside the Box provides a counterpoint to the depictions of an increasingly divided society shaped by stereotypes and resentments. As part of the Who are we? project at Tate Moderns Tate Exchange programme she sent out a call via social media for stories that document kindness and solidarity that people have experienced in their everyday lives. People were asked to share their stories on the projects Facebook page, post them on Instagram and Twitter using the hashtag #OutsideBoxArt or send t...
As the body moves and migrates, it holds memories, it breaks and repairs, ages and becomes infected with new thoughts, utopian dreams. It arrives in a space already claimed by others.
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